The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was seen as among the most influential occupants of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. While numerous second-in-commands were confined to peripheral or symbolic roles, Cheney exercised substantial influence during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was commonly described as the "actual president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and said the dynamic was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was courteous, always calling him in official appearances as President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their partnership as a collaboration because it implied that they were equals. Despite these objections, Cheney found the laidback president accommodating on a whole raft of governmental choices.
A Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a contingent of neo-conservatives that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a session at a school in Florida. As Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the downing of any non-communicating planes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the strikes altered his perspective, causing him to be determined on revenge. Along with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Actions
He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the harsh treatment of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on misleading intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It proved to be the proper decision to do back then. I was convinced back then and I maintain that stance today."
Yet even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I observed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, falsehoods, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had drafted a memo detailing situations in which American interests might be threatened (featuring "availability of crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be positioned to take unilateral action when collective action cannot be orchestrated," particularly mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the White House generally inclined on carrying out what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been fired by the president, the finance chief Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of lowering America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a plot to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his predecessor's countenance that each person had to step on.
Interrogation Methods
But it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous advocating striking Iraq, repeatedly referencing intelligence reports that were both weak or completely inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush administration indirectly described as "intensive questioning", the application of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had come from the torture, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "full of crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and create programmes to capture the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in labels assigned to him by critics such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the evil genius in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his hole? This represents a advantageous way to operate, actually."
Business Interests
Controversy over his commercial relationships pursued him throughout his time as VP. Although he had limited background in business but strong connections in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US contracts valued at billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his tenure at the company rose from his previous salary while Pentagon chief to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling over $20m|twenty
